The Swiss watchmaking brand gained popularity during the unrest in Jakarta and the looting of private residence of Ahmad Sahroni, treasurer of NasDem Party, who is lawmaker at House Commisssion I (overseeing military and foreign affairs). One kid joining the looting went viral in the social media for showing off Sahroni’s Richard Mille, which might worth billions of rupiah. 

In an era where social media influencers are often enlisted to reinforce official narratives, one prominent figure, Jerome Polin, took a bold stand. On 29 August 2025, he publicly revealed an offer to become a government-paid promoter for Rp 150 million in exchange for posting coordinated content. His refusal sparked nationwide debate—not just about personal integrity, but about the complex interplay between money, media, and democratic trust.

As nationwide demonstrations swept through major Indonesian cities in early September 2025, the government’s response was quick, albeit fragmented. From urging companies to let employees work from home (WFH), to abruptly shifting schools to online learning, the policy reactions ostensibly prioritized public safety. Yet, beneath these well-intentioned moves lies a concerning signal: a lack of coordinated crisis governance, fragmented institutional responses, and policy improvisation under pressure.

One student from Amikom University in Yogyakarta, known as the city of education, died in a mass rally at the compound of regional police on Friday (Aug 29). Rheza Sendy Pratama was among students tried to escape from tear gas fired by the local police to dismiss the rally. Unfortunate for Rheza, his motorcycle suffered a breakdown. His colleague survived and run away, but Rheza collapsed and eventually died.

Vast majority of Indonesians are rallying behind protests against salary and benefits of lawmakers. The legislative and the government are equally considered insensitive to the economic hardships of most Indonesians. Indonesians are also mostly against brutality of state apparatus, especially the national police, in handling protests, including in the social media platforms. 

It was a tense week in Indonesia. Starting with a rally at the compound of the legislative building in Jakarta on August 25 to protest the rise of salary and benefits for lawmakers, workers union staged a rally on August 28 in some important sites in the morning and unrest that follows the death of one online motorcycle (ojol) driver in that evening. Some, considered ‘public enemies’, including lawmakers and minister of finance Sri Mulyani Indrawati, have been targeted by looters, and buildings of regional legislative (DPRD) have been burnt down. 

No less than 600 civilians were reportedly arrested, 150 injured, and one run over by a tactical vehicle during the mass protest in Jakarta yesterday (28/08), all the while our lawmakers had been instructed to work from home. This is, embarrassingly enough, an accurate depiction of the relationship between lawmakers and civilians: people are calling for help, but no one answers. The house is empty. And now the police, who should have provided protection, also came under intense scrutiny after an accident that took someone’s life.

Yesterday’s mass protests, initially from workers unions, but later on flared up by other components, were ugly enough. We don’t expect similar or worse developments from the round of protests planned by the National Association of University Student Executive Bodies (BEM SI) titled ‘Indonesia (C)emas 2025 Part II’ early next month.

The Constitutional Court (MK) sided with majority of Indonesians and civil society group in ending dual roles of deputy ministers, who have in recent months been appointed commissioners of state companies. 

On August 25, 2025, President Prabowo Subianto conferred state decorations upon 141 individuals ranging from politicians and academics to business leaders. The ceremony, intended to recognize extraordinary contributions to the nation, has instead ignited public debate.