Indonesia is currently in the process of negotiation and bidding for land acquisition for the promised Hajj Village (“Kampung Haji”) in Makkah, Saudi Arabia. This project aims to reduce the soaring cost of Hajj and to shorten the long queue, with the hope of starting operations in 2028, ahead of the 2029 elections. It is good news for the prospective pilgrims, but there are always concerns surrounding large-scale projects with a big budget, and the Hajj Village is no exception.

Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa’s seemingly harmless remark—“President Jokowi is a bit right”—about the Jakarta–Bandung high-speed train (WHOOSH) may, in fact, be part of a larger political choreography.

When the National Nutrition Agency (BGN) announced that creators of positive viral content about the Makan Bergizi Gratis (Free Nutritious Meal) program could earn Rp 5 million, it might have sounded like an innovative communication strategy. In reality, however, it reflects a deeper issue within public policy — the growing tendency to engineer public opinion rather than to earn public trust through performance.

When Hasan Nasbi, the former head of the Presidential Communication Office (PCO) who was reshuffled only a few months ago by President Prabowo Subianto, publicly criticized Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa for being “too self-righteous,” the remark at first seemed like a passing comment in Jakarta’s noisy political discourse. Yet beneath its surface lies a deeper story — a clash between two presidencies, two communication doctrines, and possibly, two competing circles of influence shaping Indonesia’s post-Jokowi era.

When Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa replaced Sri Mulyani Indrawati as Finance Minister in September, few predicted he would so quickly dominate the political conversation. Within weeks, the once-reserved technocrat began delivering bold, almost combative public statements—taking on import mafias, regional officials, even Pertamina’s top brass. Suddenly, Purbaya was no longer a quiet economist; he was a political story.

When President Prabowo Subianto declared that Portuguese should be taught in schools, the announcement came draped in diplomatic symbolism. Delivered during the state visit of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva at the Merdeka Palace, it was a flourish designed to project Indonesia’s global ambition — a gesture of friendship toward Brazil and a subtle signal that Prabowo seeks to reorient Indonesia’s diplomacy toward the Global South.

Thousands upon thousands of people joked about getting ready for jail, following recent news that Golkar’s youth wings reported at least 30 social media accounts to the Police, accusing them of defamation. These accounts were deemed to have insulted Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources Bahlil Lahadalia, who is chairman of Golkar Party, by creating memes in a mocking way.

One year after President Prabowo Subianto took office, Indonesia finds itself walking a fine line between firmness and fear. What began as a promise of “strong leadership” has gradually evolved into a system of managed obedience — where dissent is criminalized, markets are monopolized, and the law has become a political tool rather than a moral compass.

Deputy TNI chief General Tandyo Budi Revita has increasingly shown us that he is the de facto military commander because of his more visibility than commander General Agus Subiyanto, known for close ties to the previous president Jokowi.

National Police Chief Listyo Sigit Prabowo, considered the strongest representative of previous president Jokowi, has been trying to do whatever it takes to survive under the new administration.