Finance Minister Sri Mulyani’s remarks at the Science, Technology, and Industry Convention earlier this August—questioning whether all teachers’ and lecturers’ salaries should be borne entirely by the state or partially supported by public participation—sparked an intense public reaction. In a political climate highly sensitive to education issues, the statement was seen as contradicting Article 31 of the 1945 Constitution, which explicitly mandates the state to finance education.

Rumor has it that the Jakarta Metropolitan Police aborted the plan to search the house of Febrie Adriansyah, a prosecutor known for handling major corruption cases in Indonesia, due to tight security by the TNI. The search itself was suspected to be a part of the ongoing legal proceedings involving Ferry Yanto Hongkiriwang (FYH) AKA Ferry Boboho, who was earlier detained for allegedly kidnapping and assaulting members of Special Detachment 88. At first glance, it looked like a conflict between law enforcement institutions, but the conflict might just be the tip of the iceberg.

Three weeks after the launch, the People’s Schools or locally known as Sekolah Rakyat (SR) have already lost many students and teachers. More than 100 students opted to drop out of school, while more than 140 teachers resigned even before the new term officially started. The Ministry of Social Affairs is reportedly preparing the replacement to ensure that this program will proceed smoothly.

The recent reshuffle at the top levels of the National Police (Polri) has triggered a wave of speculation, concern, and quiet recalculations within the country’s law enforcement and political ecosystem. While the official telegram (ST/1764/VIII/KEP./2025) issued by the Police Headquarters describes the moves as routine, the context and choices suggest a deeper political subtext.

In a year marked by sweeping budget cuts across the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the government has nonetheless accelerated the transformation of nine State Islamic Institutes (IAIN) into State Islamic Universities (UIN). This paradox has raised eyebrows.

Many people would agree that Hasto Kristiyanto’s and Tom Lembong’s cases are both heavily influenced by political motives. When President Prabowo Subianto granted the two figures amnesty and abolition, one might expect his action to appease the public, but their reactions suggest otherwise.

The 2024 Tolerant City Index (IKT) released by Setara Institute places cities like Parepare, Cilegon, and Lhokseumawe at the bottom. The national average score has also declined from 5.06 to 4.92, highlighting that the effort to strengthen tolerance remains a major challenge—especially for local governments at the bottom of the list.

President Prabowo Subianto granted a legal amnesty to Hasto Kristiyanto, the secretary-general of PDIP convicted of bribery in the Harun Masiku case, and issued an abolition to Thomas Lembong, former Trade Minister convicted in a sugar import corruption case  The DPR swiftly approved the petitions affecting 1,116 convicts overall — on grounds including national unity, humanitarian considerations, and in the spirit of 80th Independence Day.

In the past few months, Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana (UKSW) in Salatiga has found itself engulfed in an institutional crisis—one that echoes the darkest chapters in its academic history. What began as a sudden and unilateral dismissal of Prof. Dr. Umbu Rauta and his team from the Faculty of Law has now revealed a broader pattern of administrative overreach, institutional silence, and what some students call “campus rule by shadow power.”

Home Affairs Minister Tito Karnavian’s proposal resurfaced from the halls of Parliament: tripling public funding for political parties, from Rp1,000 to Rp3,000 per vote. It reflects a dangerous trajectory in Indonesian politics: the institutionalization of greed through legal means. What we are witnessing is Serakahnomics in politics—a practice where the ruling elite rationalize the capture of public resources for their own consolidation.