The recent statement by Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa that the government has identified “big players” behind smuggling and under-invoicing in the textile and steel sectors signals at first glance a step in the right direction. Yet on closer inspection, this move appears more theatrical than structural — and more cautionary than courageous.

Last week, a violent clash erupted on land formerly owned by PT Salim Ivomas Pratama (SIMP) in Rokan Hilir, Riau. The area, reportedly part of land seized by the government’s Task Force for Forest Area Control (Satgas PKH), is now managed under a Joint Operational Cooperation (KSO) scheme by PT Agrinas Palma Nusantara, a state-owned enterprise (SOE) assigned to handle seized assets.

Indonesia’s growing ambition to position itself as a global hub for sports tourism once again clashes with the unresolved question of whether the nation can truly separate politics from sports.

Shares of PT Data Center Indonesia Tbk (DCII), co-owned by Salim Group and Toto Sugiri, ended slightly higher Wednesday (Oct 22) as the company reported softer growth in sales and profitability in the third quarter of 2025.

Shares of mining contractor PT Petrosea Tbk (PTRO), controlled by Prajogo Pangestu, ended substantially higher by 9.1% on Wednesday (Oct 22) to make a market capitalization of Rp75.7 trillion, significantly bigger than profitable coal miner Adaro Andalan (Rp61.9 trillion).

Satgas PKH (a task force for forest area enforcement) led by Lt General (ret) Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, who is minister of defence, has been more aggressive in going after nickel mining operations in some provinces recently.

A delegation from the Ministry of Transmigration, including Minister Iftitah Suryanagara, a politician from Democrat Party, recently conducted a five-day working visit to China with the intention of learning about industrialization based on community empowerment. Beyond that, however, the minister was also tasked by Prabowo Subianto to meet with potential investors, making the visit itself a curious case.

Mohamad Ikhsan, professor of economics at University of Indonesia, told a seminar organized by Katadata on Tuesday (Oct 21) that a survey on 64 economists conducted by LPEM-UI (economic research arm of the university) found vast majority see the Red-and-White Village Cooperatives (KDMP) an ineffective initiative.

Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa announced that the government would change the compensation payment scheme for PLN and Pertamina—from quarterly disbursements to monthly payments of 70 percent—it sounded like a simple technical reform. In reality, it reflects a deeper political and fiscal shift within Prabowo-Gibran’s new administration: faster liquidity for state-owned enterprises, and stronger central control over public spending.

President Prabowo Subianto’s recent meeting with two major ride-hailing companies marked more than a courtesy call — it was the opening act of Indonesia’s next big policy contest: who controls the digital economy — the state, the corporations, or the workers?