On the surface, Indonesia has seven state-owned companies involved in engineering, procurement, and construction (EPC) services. Sovereign wealth fund Danantara as revealed a plan to consolidate them to three companies. But, how about EPC companies under other state companies?

The escalating noise over Grab’s interest in acquiring GoTo has turned a strategic issue into a political and corporate spectacle. At the center of this swirl stands Patrick Walujo, a CEO now portrayed as the primary obstacle to a merger that appears to be advancing through opaque channels. The framing has become almost theatrical: Patrick versus everybody. Yet the deeper one looks, the clearer it becomes that even Patrick himself does not fully understand who is driving this sudden pressure to accelerate consolidation.

The upcoming presidential regulation on ride-hailing drivers was supposed to offer long-awaited clarity on one of Indonesia’s most sensitive labor questions: whether millions of drivers are workers or partners. Instead, the drafting process has exposed how narrow the policymaking circle is when digital-economy interests collide with political convenience.

Sherly Tjoanda Laos, the Governor of North Maluku, reportedly inherited multiple mining companies from her late husband, Benny Laos. While it is not uncommon for state officials to come from an entrepreneurial background, their direct involvement in the private sector could potentially cause a conflict of interest, which then leads to other issues, such as abuse of power.

The government’s attempt to associate the SMAN 72 Jakarta explosion with PUBG Mobile is not only baseless but intellectually dishonest. No forensic evidence, digital footprint, or official investigative statement has shown that the student responsible played PUBG, drew inspiration from battle-royale mechanics, or learned any form of explosive construction from the game. Yet PUBG was immediately singled out as a potential target for new restrictions. This move reflects political theatrics rather than genuine policymaking. Indonesia is once again replaying an outdated moral-panic script: when a youth tragedy occurs, blame the most visually violent game available.

The Financial Services Authority (OJK) has revoked the business license of PT Crowde Membangun Bangsa, and it is difficult to overstate what this means for Indonesia’s agrifintech sector. This is no mere compliance failure. Crowde’s collapse reveals a structural weakness that the industry has tried to ignore for years.

Todotua Pasaribu, deputy investment and downstreaming minister, revealed a plan from Toyota Tsusho Corporation (TTC) to invest US$100 million in Indonesia for the processing of tin and copper. 

Sovereign wealth fund Danantara has shortlisted 24 companies as technology partners for the planned waste-to-energy (WtE) projects in 33 cities across the nation, which will partly funded by proceeds from Rp50 trillion ‘patriot bonds’ subscribed by Indonesian conglomerates.

PT Pertamina New Renewable Energy (NRE) and Toyota are said planning to build a bioethanol plant in Lampung, Sumatra with Rp2.5 trillion of investment to meet the government’s mandatory E10 (ethanol 10 percent) policy scheduled for implementation in 2027.

President Prabowo Subianto has instructed cabinet members and sovereign wealth fund Danantara to accelerate execution of 18 strategic projects in various sectors with estimated investment of almost US$40 billion to create jobs for 300,000 people.