Papua’s special autonomy was conceived as a constitutional commitment, not as a discretionary budget item. Yet recent developments suggest that the policy has drifted far from its original intent. Instead of functioning as a stable fiscal framework, autonomy increasingly appears conditional—adjusted, reduced, and restored depending on political convenience and fiscal pressures in Jakarta.

The controversy over a letter allegedly sent by the Aceh provincial administration to UN agencies is not merely a case of bureaucratic miscommunication. It is a stark reminder that, in Indonesia, disaster management is never purely humanitarian—it is deeply political.

President Prabowo Subianto is obsessed with self-sufficiency in food and energy. So, his lesson learnt from natural disaster killing thousands of people and millions isolated from cyclone in northern tip of Sumatra Island is the need for a local-level self sufficiency in food and energy.

The holiday season is around the corner and some schools are already closed. This, however, doesn’t mean that the MBG program also comes to a halt. SPPG kitchens will continue distributing free meals to students to ensure their nutritional needs are met. Here’s the deal: People don’t find it necessary to keep this program going during the holiday season.

In a constitutional democracy, court rulings are meant to end debates, not invite administrative creativity. Constitutional Court (MK) exists precisely to provide finality in constitutional interpretation. When its decisions are treated as suggestions rather than...

Victims of the recent Sumatra floods lost access to electricity for days, and many of them had to rely on their own resources due to the slow emergency response from the government. In stark contrast, it seems like the government institutions and elites have been busy competing for praise from Prabowo Subianto by making a momentary, yet fatal illusion out of this situation.

In moments of national crisis, accuracy is not merely a technical requirement—it is the foundation of public trust. Indonesia witnessed a stark reminder of this when Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources Bahlil Lahadalia told President Prabowo Subianto that electricity in disaster-stricken Aceh had been restored “93 percent.” The statement, delivered confidently during a presidential inspection, was meant to reassure. Instead, it ignited a wave of disbelief, anger, and ridicule from Acehnese communities who were still living in darkness.

An MBG delivery van broke through a gate and crashed into students in the schoolyard of SDN 01 Kalibaru, Cilincing, North Jakarta. The police have detained the driver and a helper, who was also in the van during the accident, and are currently investigating. There is a suspicion of human negligence, but it might also indicate bigger problems in the distribution of the free nutritious meals, which are all rooted in poor supervision.

One could say that student organizations, along with other civil society groups, are the only hope for checks and balances given no formal opposition in the parliament. They keep resistance against injustice alive through social movements. But several student executive bodies (BEM) are facing co-optation issues–something that can neuter their independence.

Indonesia’s political landscape is shifting, and for the first time since the Helsinki peace agreement, Aceh’s influence is extending beyond regional politics. At the center of this phenomenon is Muzakir Manaf, popularly known as Mualem, the former commander of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) who now serves as Governor of Aceh. His growing national relevance is shaped not only by his symbolic legacy but also by unfolding political and environmental crises that have placed Aceh in the national spotlight.